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Rail shutdown ends, but ripple effects mean lost revenues and a bruised reputation

Rail shutdown ends, but ripple effects mean lost revenues and a bruised reputation

The full financial impact of the rail stoppage remains unclear, but agriculture, forestry and manufacturing were among the hardest-hit sectors

Author of the article:

The Canadian Press

The Canadian Press

Christopher Reynolds

Published Aug 25, 2024Last updated 17 hours ago4 minute read

Rail cars
A stock photo of rail cars. Photo by DARRYL DYCK /THE CANADIAN PRESS

The end of the shutdown at Canada’s two major railways came too late for the workers at Conifex Timber.

Some 250 employees felt the impact when the company cut the operating schedule in half at its sawmill in Mackenzie, B.C., starting Monday — the day the work stoppage on the tracks wraps up.

Despite the briefness of the rail standstill, Conifex’s reduction to one shift per day from two will last “for the foreseeable future,” said chief operating officer Andrew McLellan last week.

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“It could be some time before our shipment levels normalize,” said Ken Shields, chairman and CEO at Conifex, in a phone interview.

Industries across the country are feeling the pain of a shutdown that fell far short of catastrophic levels, but whose ripple effects continue to play out in lost revenues and customers and a bruised national reputation.

The unprecedented halt that kicked off Thursday at Canadian National Railway Co. and Canadian Pacific Kansas City Ltd. is slated to end first thing Monday, following a Saturday decision from the federal labour board which ordered the companies and their workers to resume operations.

While the full financial impact of the stoppage remains unclear, Moody’s warned it could cost the Canadian economy $341 million per day. Agriculture, forestry and manufacturing were among the hardest-hit sectors, the credit rating agency said.

Fertilizer Canada, which represents fertilizer producers and distributors, said its members have lost tens of millions of dollars due to the standstill. The industry was among the first to be affected by a phased wind-down at both railways that began roughly two weeks ago, as the companies sought to avoid stranding products such as ammonia and other dangerous goods as well as meat and medicine on the tracks.

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“Disruptions cost us millions and millions of dollars a day in lost revenue,” said industry group CEO Karen Proud.

Canadians from coast to coast may not be immune to the ripple effects, either.

“These costs that go into the system, they go one way — and that goes to the consumer,” she said.

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The greatest fallout from the stoppage may be a faltering belief abroad in Canada as a dependable place to do business, Proud said, noting the deadlock marked the latest in a string of labour disruptions over the past 18 months.

“My U.S. folks that were up here were really kind of astounded as to the fact that this could even happen in this country.”

Saturday’s ruling from the Canada Industrial Relations Board imposes binding arbitration on all involved parties following the stoppage that paralyzed freight shipments and snarled commutes across the country.

The board’s decision dropped two days after Labour Minister Steven MacKinnon directed the arm’s-length tribunal to begin the arbitration process, saying the parties were at an impasse in contract talks and Canadian businesses and trade relationships were at stake.

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The Teamsters union has vowed to appeal the ruling in court.

Like the shutdown, the ramp-up will be drawn out, with Canadian Pacific saying a full recovery will likely take “several weeks.”

“This isn’t like a model train set down in the basement that you just flick a switch and it starts running again. It takes a while for things to get moving,” said Matthew Holmes, in charge of policy and government relations at the Canadian Chamber of Commerce.

“There will be a long tail here.”

The ripple effects could include lost customers — which was part of the fallout from the 13-day strike by 7,400 B.C. dockworkers last summer.

“We’ve already seen lost relationships coming from the U.S. and overseas, where they were shipping to our ports. Some of that business didn’t come back,” Holmes said in a phone interview.

Last year saw the most days of labour disruption since 1986, he said. Workers along the St. Lawrence Seaway, school support staff in Nova Scotia, federal government employees in various locations and, briefly, WestJet pilots all took job action in 2023. And more labour strife may be on the horizon, as Air Canada pilots and Montreal longshore workers face off against their employers.

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Industry players have called for reforms to avert labour deadlocks in critical sectors.

Fertilizer Canada’s Karen Proud called for updates to the Canada Labour Code, such as mandatory “pre-negotiation” around binding arbitration terms as a way to streamline the process.

Minimum term lengths for contracts and more cooling-off periods would also help avoid rail shutdowns “every couple of years,” she said.

Canadian Pacific workers hit the picket lines in 2022, 2015 and 2012. Canadian National employees last went on strike in 2019, and remained out for eight days.

Proud also said more products should be deemed essential goods, which would see them continue to move even during a work stoppage.

Earlier this month, the Canada Industrial Relations Board ruled that a rail shutdown would pose no “serious danger” to public health or safety, opening the gate to a full-fledged strike or lockout.

Canadian Pacific lifted its lockout after the labour board’s decision Saturday evening, but employees declined CPKC’s request to return to work for Sunday. Their strike will cease at 12 a.m. Monday, in line with the tribunal’s ruling.

CN, whose workers issued a 72-hour strike notice Friday after the company lifted its own lockout the day before, are already back on the job to carry out the complicated process of revving up operations across 32,000 kilometres of track.

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‘Brat’ Kamala or ‘dragon mother’ Pelosi? This meme machine is a risky strategy in a high-stakes election | Nesrine Malik

‘Brat’ Kamala or ‘dragon mother’ Pelosi? This meme machine is a risky strategy in a high-stakes election | Nesrine Malik

If you’re not across much of popular culture, the US election may require some interpretation. The Democratic National Convention has been an exercise in creating a theatrical cast drawn from celebrity, music and drama. Take, for instance, Nancy Pelosi, the “Mother of Dragons” – a main character in Game of Thrones – as she was introduced at the DNC. A dragon tamer who was also introduced as “brat before brat was brat” (a buzzy reference to the musician Charli xcx’s album of the same name, which denotes a confident, nonchalantly rebellious woman). Kamala Harris herself was anointed as “brat” the moment that Joe Biden stepped down, but already Harris’s mother – who had Indian heritage and raised Harris as a single parent – has been declared the uberbrat, more brat than even her daughter.

If all that’s too obscure, perhaps Taylor Swift is a more familiar touchstone. Commentators have suggested that Swift’s boyfriend, the NFL player Travis Kelce, has much in common with vice-presidential candidate and Harris running mate Tim Walz, and more broadly with the “wife guys” of the DNC – all of whom are men who, while confident in their masculinity, are not ashamed to talk up their wives and girlfriends and take a back seat. Harris has captured this loose amalgamation of cinematic performance and cultural zeitgeist by delivering liberals what they sorely need: a “Beyoncé moment”. She is experiencing her “Renaissance”, according to the New York Times columnist Charles M Blow – a reference to the spectacular pyrotechnic tour that elevated Beyoncé to pop icon status. The rumour that Beyoncé herself was appearing as a surprise guest at the DNC drew much speculation, as if her presence alone would bless the campaign and ordain its political legitimacy.

Meme, celebrity and cultural symbolism have become the language not only of political performance but also of political analysis and media coverage. The worlds of social media and politics have fully converged, producing a sort of extended entertainment event. Harris’s transformation itself, within days, from a relatively low-impact and low-presence vice-president to the juggernaut she has become has involved a hectic re-scripting. Only a year after she assumed vice-presidential office, the question was “where did it go wrong” for Harris. She was “hobbled in the public consciousness”. Early last year, the New York Times reported that “even some Democrats whom her own advisers referred reporters to for supportive quotes confided privately that they had lost hope in her”.

Her rapid rehabilitation into the Beyoncé of politics stems in part from panic. For a moment, it looked as though Biden really was going to dig his heels in and refuse to step aside – which would have delivered a definite win to Donald Trump. Then the assassination attempt on Trump gave him his own narrative boost, which through meme, music and online reaction similarly coalesced to frame Trump as a potent winner against a frail incumbent. Harris emerged when it seemed as though all might be lost. The plot didn’t twist so much as it was forcefully twisted, offering up Harris as a fusion of feelgood cultural references and memeable content.

This all feels symptomatic both of liberals’ political anxieties and their pandering to changing habits of political consumption. With every election, new generations come online and older generations receive more of their news as internet content which cycles through the political sphere. For opinion-makers for whom Barack Obama’s presidency turned into the nightmare of Trump, this fevered rehabilitation of Harris feels like an urgent duty. The chance of another Obama era is within touching distance so long as they make Harris happen. With that comes a tendency to focus on their precious outcome with a zeal that leaves little space for scrutinising their candidate (Labour sceptics before the last general election may relate), and the infantilisation of a public that cannot be trusted in a cutthroat media market where political lives are increasingly determined by clips and fragments. “The survivalist in me,” says Blow, as opposed to the journalist, believes that Harris should continue not to give interviews in case one bad answer overshadows 10 good ones.

These tendencies have also been accelerated by the real prospect of a second Trump term and the omnipresent shadow he has cast since 2016. Since his first election, a rightwing movement whose power lies in nastiness and loathing has grown under Trump’s dominion. Democrats may be hoping the alternative to this darkness lies in presenting Harris as the “president of joy”, as Bill Clinton recently called her.

But feed people feelings alone and they will also respond in the same way, captive only as long as the energy can be maintained, and as long as the other side doesn’t catch a good wind that sends the story in another direction. Feelings are fickle and images are fragile. Rather than building a durable movement, the result is vibe fare aimed at dopamine-addicted consumers who could be swayed either way.

The adherence to sensation rather than substance may seem sensible if you’re assuming that the electorate cannot be relied on to make decisions based on detail and scrutiny – and if you believe the safest denominator that binds voters in a divided nation is to present them with a politics that neither draws on their material realities nor articulates a clear vision of a better future, but rather taps into their status as consumers of rousing spectacle. It seems like a high-risk strategy in a high-stakes election, one in which the Democrats may come to find out that the voter is unpredictable, capricious, and unswayed by party lines or political convention. Or in a word, “brat”.

  • Nesrine Malik is a Guardian columnist

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Singapore’s education culture has to change alongside gifted programme revamp: experts

Singapore’s education culture has to change alongside gifted programme revamp: experts

In his first National Day Rally speech as prime minister, Lawrence Wong announced that a sacred cow of Singapore’s school system, the gifted education programme (GEP), would cease to exist in its current form.

Instead, high-ability programmes would be offered in all schools to more students who could also be selected for these initiatives at multiple junctures between Primary 4 and Primary 6, the education ministry said on Monday.

Pedagogy experts This Week in Asia spoke to said while the move was in line with the ministry’s bid to make “every school a good school”, more policy revamps and cultural shifts would be needed to make education more equitable and less stressful on students. This would be challenging since some policies have competing objectives, they added.

Introduced in 1984, GEP tested Primary 3 students, typically nine years old, to see if they were cognitively “gifted”. Currently, the top 1 per cent of students get into the programme which is only available at nine schools, meaning that some students who qualify have to switch schools.

Singapore Prime Minister Lawrence Wong delivers his National Day Rally address on August 18. Photo: EPA-EFE / Singapore’s Ministry of Digital Development and Information

Wong acknowledged during last week’s rally that not everyone was convinced by the slogan that “every school is a good school”. Referring to the schools in his neighbourhood that he attended, he said: “And I think I turned out OK.”

Experts note that in recent years, the education ministry has tried to make the system fairer and less stressful for students, in line with the government’s approach to redefining meritocracy and success.

In 2021, the aggregate score for the Primary School Leaving Examination was replaced with wider scoring bands to enable students to get good scores regardless of their peers’ performances.

Midyear examinations for all primary and secondary school levels were scrapped in 2023 and this year, streaming students according to their overall score was replaced with subject-based banding.

“The system is diversifying. The whole definition of what is good, what is success, what is achievement, that has to be redefined and parents will have to define it for their children as well,” said Ho Boon Tiong, principal consultant of Classpoint Consulting, an educational training and consulting firm.

Jason Tan, an associate professor at the National Institute of Education, noted that when the slogan “every school is a good school” was first used in 2011, the government was paying attention to the issue of social equity in response to criticisms that the education system was too elitist.

A little-known fact was that the criteria set out by the government then for what defined a “good school” paid little attention to academic performance or outcomes and instead focused on having committed teachers and parents who were involved in their children’s education, among other things, Tan said.

Such criteria “means the government will ensure all schools in Singapore are well-resourced and have trained and motivated teachers and education officers”, said Edmund Lin, principal consultant at Singapore Education Consulting Group.

The former school principal added: “It doesn’t mean all schools are similar in terms of academic performance. If you take this definition of ‘all schools are good schools’, then I would say they are.”

Children walk home with their guardians after school in Singapore in May 2021. Photo: AFP

Terence Ho, an associate professor in practice at the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy, said while all national schools followed the “good schools” definition, “brand name schools are still more popular and sought after by parents compared with ‘neighbourhood’ schools”.

“Anecdotally, one reason is the variation in student profile across schools, with some parents concerned about the influence of classmates and friends on their children. So it remains an uphill task to persuade parents that all schools are good schools,” Ho said.

“There is now greater emphasis on creativity and exploration, and cultivating a love of learning. However, it will take time for the mindsets of students and parents to shift away from the current focus on examinations and grades.”

While noting that the GEP revamp would “dispel the notion that one can only get a high-quality education in a few schools”, Tan argued there would still be a need to sort students based on their different needs and meet competing policy objectives in Singapore’s education system.

“This is the tricky thing; they want a system that caters or tries to cater to diverse learning needs instead of a one-size-fits-all programme. They want diversity but that also means that you end up with unequal offerings and unequal outcomes, and not all these offerings and outcomes are equally prestigious or desirable to parents,” Tan said.

“There’s still this prejudice against vocational education and this valorisation of students who can succeed academically.”

On further policy changes to create a more equitable education system, Classpoint Consulting’s Ho, who was a GEP specialist with the education ministry, said more safety nets were needed. “Some students are slow developers, so if you miss catching them at certain points, they may not follow along in the system.”

Primary school students on their way to school in Singapore in June 2020. Photo: Xinhua

Meanwhile, Tan pointed out that the Primary 1 registration exercise gave priority, for instance, to children living close to a school and whether parents were alumni or had volunteered at the school.

“If they are serious about rethinking meritocracy and trying to make things as equitable as possible for all children and trying to remove barriers to individual success, then you would have to question any practices, policies or structures that would appear to counter what you want to strive towards,” he said.

Tan noted that even if schools tried to ease the pressure off students, private tuition centres would fill the void by offering parents more mock exams, or co-curricular activities depending on policy changes.

“Many parents unfortunately still view education as a competitive race and still valorise all these high prestige offerings,” Tan said.

“It’s tough for a government to intervene in parental decisions. They can provide the incentives, they can change the policies and the way schools are structured, but they cannot tell parents not to spend thousands every month on private tutoring.”

Jonathan Sim, assistant director of pedagogy at the National University of Singapore’s AI Centre for Educational Technologies, agreed with calls for changing the culture of education rather than just the system.

“For example, we’ve reduced the number of examinations, but it’s not working so well because the culture is against it … Telling people that there will be second chances is a good first step. Now we need to show people that academic grades are not the only way to success,” Sim said.

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